New York Manhole Covers, Forged Barefoot in India – New York Times

In the revealing story above, the NYT reports on the manufacture of the New York’s thousands of manhole covers, which it turns out come primarily from a foundry in the Indian state of West Bengal. An NYT photographer discovered the Indian factory, and his photos prompted the report here:

Eight thousand miles from Manhattan, barefoot, shirtless, whip-thin men rippled with muscle were forging prosaic pieces of the urban jigsaw puzzle: manhole covers.

Seemingly impervious to the heat from the metal, the workers at one of West Bengal’s many foundries relied on strength and bare hands rather than machinery. Safety precautions were barely in evidence; just a few pairs of eye goggles were seen in use on a recent visit.

In AP Economics, we have begun learning about resource markets, where firms hire the productive resources needed to produce their output. Land, labor, and capital are all needed to produce any output; the combination of these resources a firm will use depends on several factors, including the productivity and the prices of the resources. When the price of labor is low, firms tend to use more labor and less capital. In developing countries, especially those with a large, unskilled workforce (like India), firms are likely to specialize in the production of labor-intensive products, such as the manholes found in American cities like New York.

The scene at the Indian foundry sounds like something from the Middle Ages:

The temperature outside the factory yard was more than 100 degrees on a September visit. Several feet from where the metal was being poured, the area felt like an oven, and the workers were slick with sweat.

Often, sparks flew from pots of the molten metal. In one instance they ignited a worker’s lungi, a skirtlike cloth wrap that is common men’s wear in India. He quickly, reflexively, doused the flames by rubbing the burning part of the cloth against the rest of it with his hand, then continued to cart the metal to a nearby mold.

Once the metal solidified and cooled, workers removed the manhole cover casting from the mold and then, in the last step in the production process, ground and polished the rough edges. Finally, the men stacked the covers and bolted them together for shipping.

Why are New York’s manhole covers being made over 8,000 miles away, anyway? Wouldn’t it make more sense for American cities to buy such items from firms making them right here in the United States? To understand this question, we need to consider the principle of comparative advantage, which says that a nation should specialize in the production of the products for which it has the lowest opportunity costs.

Manhole covers manufactured in India can be anywhere from 20 to 60 percent cheaper than those made in the United States, said Alfred Spada, the editor and publisher of Modern Casting magazine and the spokesman for the American Foundry Society. Workers at foundries in India are paid the equivalent of a few dollars a day, while foundry workers in the United States earn about $25 an hour.

Bengali laborers working in India’s foundries most likely face the trade off of an agrarian existence or maybe another factory job in the pre-industrial economy of the impoverished region, alternatives presenting a much low opportunity cost than American workers whose alternatives include jobs offering much higher productivity. The productivity of a worker depends on the quality and quantity of capital available, the level of training and education of the worker himself. Clearly, Indian workers have less access to capital, lower quality capital, and much less training and education than their American counterparts.

The result is that jobs that require large inputs of low-skilled labor, such as the manufacture of manhole covers, end up being “off-shored” to remote corners of South Asia. The added cost of shipping thousands of ton of iron around the world is more than made up for by the lower resource prices (thus costs of production) in the West Bengali foundries.

Discussion Questions:

1. Why do the Indian foundries use such large inputs of labor, and relatively little machinery?
2. What factors might reduce the demand for labor in the Indian foundries?
3. How does a firm know if it’s using the right combination of capital and labor in its production?

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The following post was written by an AP Economics student at Zurich International School

We all know about market failure on the product side: A good or service is under or over produced in the free market because of externalities that cause the marginal social benefit (MSB) to no longer equal the marginal social cost (MSC). Instead, the good or service is at another equilibrium where the MSB is equal to the marginal private cost (MPC). In such a case, the government may intervene by either taxing or subsidizing the good or service, or even by taking control of production in order to bring the values to the social equilibrium point (MSB=MSC).

Now let’s take a look at how this plays out in the human resources market.

In the human resource market firms tend to pay close to the same salary to people of the same rank or position. This can lead to market failure. An employer might have positive or negative externalities. Their location may be near public transport and in a beautiful location. Or it might be situated right next to a sewage treatment plant. When firms offer the same salary for the same position, their externalities may lead to labor surpluses or shortages, i.e. to market failure.

A firm with negative externalities will have a shortage of workers since the qualified workers can work elsewhere for the same amount. A firm with positive externalities will have a surplus of applicants. The number of people will want to work at such firm will exceed the positions available. The firm could profit from this situation by becoming more selective, accepting only those candidates of superior quality. However, there can also be additional costs to the company if its externalities attract a surplus of applicants. There would be additional costs for processing and reviewing the many applications received. In a world of perfect competition where employee qualifications would be the same, the firm with positive externalities would reduce the wages it offers. This would reduce labor costs and decrease the number of applicants, reducing thus administration costs too. A firm with the negative externalities would have to do the inverse: raise wages in order to increase the number of workers. In reality of course, employee qualifications differ and the firm with positive externalities may get a flood of applications from candidates even those with insufficient qualifications.

There are many examples of positive and negative externalities, not only location. These can range from a positive (or negative) brand to a positive (or negative) reputation in how the company treats employees, such as by having flexible hours or supplying recreational or sporting facilities. When a person is looking for a job, externalities can play a decisive role.

Case Study: John the Consultant

Let us look at John the Consultant as an example. Like most applicants, John is looking for a good salary but he also wants to enjoy his work environment.

John gets three job offers: One from a fairly standard consulting firm, one from a tobacco company, and another from a sports TV network (with great offices with fabulous views).

When he was originally applying, John thought he would jump at opportunity to work at the sports network. The network had been his favorite since he was a child. He loved the thought of working in sports and television.

But then he took a closer look at the actual offers. The sports network offered him a salary that did not even come close to his expectations. The consulting firm’s offer was like its offices: just the standard fare. On the other hand, the tobacco company’s financial offer was mind-blowing.

Why is this so?

The tobacco company’s labor market might look like this:

Here, due to ethical concerns with the product, too few people would be interested in working at the tobacco company if it paid the average wage. Its cost to hire an additional worker (let’s call it the Private Marginal Resource Cost (PMRC)), is higher than the market average (AMRC). This is why it is necessary for the firm to increase wages in order to increase the quantity of labor to the optimal level. To be noticed is that their new quantity of labor is still below the market average. If the firm wanted to raise labor up to the market average, it would have to further increase wages, which would be extremely inefficient since there will be a point at which the cost of the additional workers will outweigh the value they represent.

A sports network company might look like this:

The sports network company, if it offered average wages, would have a surplus of workers. Here the AMRC is higher than the PMRC. In such case, the economically wise action is to decrease wages, thereby decreasing the quantity of labor to the optimal amount. To be noticed again is that its optimal amount is still higher than the market average. If it further decreased wages to reach Q_A there would be a dead weight loss. (Pragmatically speaking, the firm would not hire a surplus of workers; it would stick to Q₂, but even then normal wages would be inefficient, since it could get the exact same quantity of labor at lower wages.)

Now John has the choice of taking less money along with the positive externalities, or more money when there are negative externalities. The externalities turn into opportunity costs. And this creates a dilemma.

Firms have long known the gist of this concept. Most large corporate firms have made serious efforts to increase employee satisfaction in the hope that it will become a positive externality. Yet since the vast majority of employers have done similarly, various types of extra benefits have become standard for the market. However there are still companies that stand out from the rest. For example Google has placed a high priority on creatively generating employee satisfaction and creating a work environment conducive to cooperation and innovation. It has excelled in these domains by so much that their employees are glad to take a lower paycheck than the market average for the privilege of working there.*

Now all this is a prime example of how externalities are corrected through the profit incentive. In contrast to the product market (where a company may not bear the full cost of a negative externality it causes, such as pollution, and government intervention can become necessary), no government interference is usually necessary in the human resource market. There it is the firm that notices and corrects the difference in employee wages in relation to externalities. Most companies have learned to put a price on externalities, and equilibrium is restored.

*As an example, according to the Financial Times Feb 7, 2011, Google now receives an astonishing 75,000 applications a week.

Also posted at economic and eLearning – digging a little deeper

The Danish people are a notably generous and happy group of people and for many years they have had the most extensive welfare system in the world. Danish citizens pay nearly 50% income tax, which allows its citizens to enjoy a high quality of life, free education, healthcare and lavish unemployment benefits.

Since the Global Financial Crisis in late 2008 unemployment in Denmark has more than doubled from 1.7% to 4.2% now. This is still far below levels in other parts of Europe, such as Spain with 19% unemployment. The Danish government is however evaluating the level the unemployment benefits, as the government budget tightens. An unemployed worker in Denmark is entitled to an unemployment benefit which is between 70-90% of their prior salary. Currently they can receive this compensation for up to four years.

High unemployment puts two specific strains on the governments budget during a recession. There are decreased tax receipts as workers are forced out of work, but at the same time expenditure on transfer payments to the unemployed workers will simultaneously increase. Therefore a swift rise in unemployment in the recent recession, lead to some governments such as the United Kingdom falling into a deep budget deficit very quickly. The opposite effect occurs in an economic boom where transfer payments fall and tax revenue increase, leading to a swelling of the budget surplus.

Policy makers in Denmark are therefore planning to trim the generous safety net provided to its workers,

Having found that recipients either get work right away or take any job as their checks run out, officials are also redoubling longstanding efforts to move Danes more quickly out of the safety net.

“The cold fact is that the longer you are out of a job, the more difficult it is to get a job,” Claus Hjort Frederiksen, the Danish finance minister, said during an interview. “Four years of unemployment is a luxury we can no longer allow ourselves.”

New York Times – Liz Alderman – 16th August 2010

Statistics from Denmark show that in the Global Financial Crisis of late 2008, 100,000 Danish people were registered as unemployed. Approximately 62% of these people found another job within two months, and only 6% of these people had been unemployed for longer than two years. This highlights the fact that Denmark has a very flexible labour market. Meaning in simple terms, that workers can freely move between jobs, and can be hired and fired more easily than in comparable European nations such as Germany or Sweden. The flexibility and security of the Danish system is nicknamed “flexicurity”. The following comments highlight the elements of the flexicurity culture.

“It’s no surprise the government is saying that programs that are highly expensive and give a Rolls-Royce treatment to citizens have to be trimmed,” said Iain Begg, a professor at the London School of Economics. “So the search will now be on for labor market policies that deliver more people in work with less money, which has an inevitable air of the holy grail about it.”

In Denmark, employers have carte blanche to hire and fire, and in most cases laid-off people are guaranteed about 80 percent of their wages in benefits, a figure capped for high earners. In turn, they must participate in retraining and job placement programs tailored to get them back to work, which the government has intensified.

Each year, a remarkable 30 percent of Danes change jobs, knowing the system will allow them to pay rent and buy food so they can focus on landing a new position. About 80 percent belong to unions, which manage the workplace, help run the unemployment insurance program and press the laid-off into retraining.

New York Times – Liz Alderman – 16th August 2010

If 30% of workers are willing to change jobs each year, this would have a positive effect on the economy. This proportion is high because workers are not scared into becoming unemployed and poor. Some like myself, would consider the opportunity cost of receiving 80% of my previous wage and an unemployed holiday a great trade off. Of course, workers also consider issues such as social dislocation, loss of skills in the decision making process and are therefore keen to get back into work as quickly as possible.

Within Denmark and the flexicurity system; it would suggest that workers are prepared to accept new challenges and develop skills that are required in new jobs. This also opens up jobs to younger graduates each year. During a recession the same system allows firms to reduce thier demand for labour quickly and to restructure the business to the new economic climate. The supporting welfare structures in Denmark which help unemployed people with training and job applications is an important spoke in the system. These elements are considered labour market supply side policies.

Discussion Questions:

1. Describe the concept of “social safety nets”
2. If the Danish government continued to allow up to four years unemployment benefit, what could be the potential impacts on the Supply of Labour within Denmark?
3. Describe why Denmark has the one of the lowest Gini Coefficient scores in the world (0.29, CIA Factbook 2007)
4. How does labour flexibility or the Danish system of flexicurity, improve economic growth?
5. Evaluate the relative merits of Denmark having one of the highest income tax rates in the world.

Young Americans Going To China For Jobs – the Huffington Post

I remember my 9th grade history class, when we learned about how so many thousands of Chinese immigrated to the American west to build the railroads. My textbook had a picture that looked like this:

Well, that was 130 years ago. Today, the world is a very different place. America, once the land of opportunity, has shed hundreds of thousands of jobs a month for 18 months straight. Unemployment, near 10%, has driven the economy into its deepest recession since the 1930s, trade is grossly imbalanced, as are federal budgets, and national debt has inched ever closer to 100% of GDP. All in all, things are pretty gloomy.

Someday, ninth grade history students may look in their textbooks and read a different story about the early 21st Century. In the future, they may see pictures like this in their history books:

That’s right, today the land of opportunity is China, and hundreds of thousands of foreigners, including thousands of Americans, are packing their bags for the “Middle Kingdom” in search of work.

Young foreigners… are coming to China to look for work in its unfamiliar but less bleak economy, driven by the worst job markets in decades in the United States, Europe and some Asian countries.

Many do basic work such as teaching English, a service in demand from Chinese businesspeople and students. But a growing number are arriving with skills and experience in computers, finance and other fields.

“China is really the land of opportunity now, compared to their home countries,” said Chris Watkins, manager for China and Hong Kong of MRI China Group, a headhunting firm. “This includes college graduates as well as maybe more established businesspeople, entrepreneurs and executives from companies around the world.”

Some 217,000 foreigners held work permits at the end of 2008, up from 210,000 a year earlier, according to the National Bureau of Statistics. Thousands more use temporary business visas and go abroad regularly to renew them.

Some foreigners see China not just as a refuge but as a source of opportunities they might not get at home.

Konstantin Schamber, a 27-year-old German, passed up possible jobs at home to become business manager for a Beijing law firm, where he is the only foreign employee.

“I believe China is the same place as the United States used to be in the 1930s that attracts a lot of people who’d like to have either money or career opportunities,” Schamber said.

There’s a lot of talk in America today, on the news, on the radio, in the papers, about whether the US economy will ever return to “normal”. Unemployment is nearly 10%, and some economists think it may take years for it to fall below 10% once more.

I guess the good news is, if Americans start heading to China in ever larger numbers to find work, the number of people looking for work in the US will fall, leading to lower unemployment. Of course, that’s not how the US wants to bring down unemployment, nor is it good for the nation’s long-run growth potential if high skilled workers go abroad to find jobs. But it does raise a very important question: Will America be the land of opportunity in the future? Or will its tired, huddled masses become the “boat people” of the 21st Century, seeking employment on distant shores.

Full disclosure here: I myself have only worked as a teacher abroad, including in China! And to be honest, it is because the demand for my skills is clearly greater overseas than it is at home! My income is far higher abroad than I could earn in an American public school, and my services and skills are valued much greater in the international setting, particularly in Asia!

Help Wanted: Why That Sign’s Bad – BusinessWeek

This week’s cover story in Business Week magazine tells an interesting story about unemployment in America. Listen to the podcast or follow the link above to read more of this story:

Help Wanted: Why That Sign's Bad [ 0:01 ] Play Now | Play in Popup | Download (2)

Surprising statistic: In the midst of the worst recession in a generation or more, with 13 million people unemployed, there are approximately 3 million jobs that employers are actively recruiting for but so far have been unable to fill. That’s more job openings than the entire population of Mississippi.

Sound like good news? It’s not. Instead, it’s evidence of an emerging structural shift in the U.S. economy that has created serious mismatches between workers and employers. People thrown out of shrinking sectors such as construction, finance, and retail lack the skills and training for openings in growing fields including education, accounting, health care, and government. At the same time, the worst housing bust in decades has left the unemployed frozen in place. They can’t move to get work because they can’t sell their homes.

In IB and AP Economics we teach that there are three types of unemployment an economy may experience, ranked roughly in order from the least undesirable to the most undesirable (from a macroeconomic perspective):

• Frictional unemployment: This accounts for people who are “in between jobs” or fresh out of college looking for their first jobs.
• Structural unemployment: This is caused by the changing structure of an economy. As America’s manufacturing sector shrinks and its education and health care sectors grown, those whose skills lie in manufacturing become structurally unemployed.
• Cyclical unemployment: This is also called “demand-deficient” unemployment because it is caused by a fall in aggregate demand or overall spending in the economy.

America today is clearly experiencing all three types, but due to the particular circumstances of the recession, the American worker is finding it it harder than ever to match his skills with an appropriate job. Below are some of the industries with the most and the fewest job openings today:

Most openings:

• Education
• Health care
• Government
• Energy (such as wind, oil, natural gas)
• “Analytics” (i.e. business data analysis by firms such as IBM)

Fewest openings:

• Construction
• Manufacturing

Unfortunately for the large numbers of unemployed construction and factory workers, the kinds of skills required to work in the fields with the most job openings are prohibitively different from those learned in their previous industries. In addition to a mismatch of skills between the industries in which jobs are being lost and those in which labor is in demand, there is also a geographic mismatch in the labor market. Below are the states with the least and the most job openings:

Most job vacancies (states with large energy sectors: oil, natural gas and windmills)

• North Dakota
• Wyoming

Least job vacancies (states with large manufacturing and construction sectors)

• North Carolina
• California
• Michigan

Historically, the geographic factor has not posed an issue to American workers, and when jobs opened up in one part of the country, Americans would pack up and move where necessary to find work. Today, however, with the collapse of house prices, more and more Americans find themselves stuck with a house they can’t sell in a part of the country where they can’t find a job.

To paraphrase the podcast above, “the US in danger of looking like Europe. The European job market has been described as ‘sclerotic’; people don’t respond to want ads because of the generous long-term unemployment benefits offered by European governments. Europeans have historically been geographically immobile due to nationalist ties to their home countries.” Today, the US job market reflects some of the same “sclerosis” as that of Europe.

America is facing the perfect storm of unemployment. At the same time that the economy is undergoing its most significant structural change since the Industrial Revolution brought millions of American workers from the farm fields into factories, it is facing the most significant decline in private sector spending (consumption, investment and exports) since the great depression. Put this together with the relative immobility of the American worker caused by the housing crisis, and unemployment has climbed to its highest level in three decades.

This interesting story ends with a glimmer of hope for the American worker:

To fight this sclerosis, the White House is using $3.5 billion of the stimulus for training, while boosting support for community colleges. Classes for factory workers seeking entry-level health-care careers have shown some success.

The truth is, displaced workers may have to move down a few rungs as they switch careers because their skills are irrelevant in their new roles… Many laid-off Wall Street financial engineers still haven’t absorbed that, says Fred Wilson, a partner in Union Square Ventures, a New York venture capital firm. “For them to take a job that pays a lot less, they have to make a meaningful change in their lifestyle. And that is an issue.”

Employers need to bend as well, recognizing that the candidates they’re seeking may not exist. Mark Mehler, co-founder of CareerXRoads, a staffing strategy consulting firm in Kendall Park, N.J., tells employers: “You’re hiring potential….You’ve got to train them.”

A mismatch of work and workers is never a good thing. But smart policy—combined with realism on the part of employers and job seekers—can minimize the disruption.

Discussion Questions:

1. In what way may structural unemployment be a sign of a healthy economy, rather than a sick one?
2. Part of the Obama stimulus package includes increased benefits for unemployed Americans. How may this pose an obstacle to reducing unemployment in America?
3. Historically, the natural rate of unemployment in most European economies has been higher than that of the United States. Why is this?
4. Do you think America’s NRU will return to its historic level (4-6%) when the economy eventually recovers from the current crisis? Why or why not?

The $165 M in AIG bonuses that we have heard so much about this past week should have, in my opinion, been paid and then defended by Congress and the President!

As a former CFO, I can say with certainty that I have never paid an employee a bonus for poor performance. To underscore this point, I am 100% against any publicly-traded company ever making any bonus payment to an employee for poor performance regardless of the circumstances. The recently paid AIG bonuses are not an exception to my strong conviction. The true facts surrounding the $165 M in AIG bonus payments have not been made clear to the American public. Moreover, our cowardly American leadership (President, Treasury Secretary, Congress, AIG CEO) refuse to do what is right and defend the bonuses because, in my opinion, of their fear of public opinion.

The $165M in recently paid AIG bonuses, funded with a portion of approximately $170B in taxpayer “bailout” funding, are not PERFORMANCE bonuses being paid to the same AIG executives that got us into this financial mess in the first place. That is what most of America mistakenly believes. In fact, the senior executives, including the CEO, whose decisions caused the company’s collapse, are long gone. Moreover, the top 7 officials currently at AIG have agreed to forego all bonuses. The recent bonus payment outrage also excludes the next 43 highest ranking AIG leaders whose bonus payments are appropriately being linked to restructuring the company and paying back the taxpayers the $170B that has been already sent to bail them out.

So what exactly are these bonus payments for that all of America has gone mad over? The $165 Million in recent bonuses paid to AIG employees were RETENTION or STAY bonuses and not performance bonuses. AIG employees assigned to unravel the mess were offered retention bonuses to stay and work out the problems of AIG’s Financial Products division which has already been announced to be shut down. These retention bonuses were paid to incent remaining and new workers to stay until the billions of dollars of derivatives, still at risk, were unwound. Using basic common sense, which is why retention bonuses have been paid for decades, no reasonable, talented worker would agree to work in a discontinued division receiving hate mail and death threats without receiving a retention bonus. A retention bonus helps keeps top employees working on problems of a division being shut down rather than them resigning and moving on to another company.

As Congress tries to recover these just recently paid bonuses, either through the AIG employees paying them back or having them be taxed close to 100%, the tax payer is already losing as these employees working out the problems that they did not create are already starting to resign. Yes, America and the taxpayer will not save $165 M but rather lose far more than we save as those working the issues are resigning.

So, why didn’t the new AIG CEO, Edward Liddy, defend the $165 M in retention bonuses in front of Congress this past week and explain to Congress that these were not performance bonuses paid to the people that got us into this mess? Why didn’t Tim Gheitner, U.S. Treasury Secretary, defend his decision to allow the retention bonus payments as outlined in the recently passed stimulus bill? Why didn’t Ben Bernanke, Chairman of the FED, defend the retention bonuses that were know by him since last summer? And of course, where was our Harvard-schooled president when we needed his articulation skills the most as he could have clearly explained and defended these payments so we would not have to rehire new employees for all of the AIG employees who are now turning in their resignations for having to repay their contractual retention bonuses?

In summary, our U.S. government has increased the exposure to the American taxpayers by not supporting the AIG retention bonuses being paid to the workers that did not create the problem and who are assigned to fix up the mess. This is cowardly leadership, in my opinion. It is an easy path to for our leaders to keep the AIG bonus discussion at a very surface level and say “bonuses shouldn’t be paid to business leaders that fail”. Well, of course, everyone agrees with that! But that is not what is being paid at AIG.

Two items consisting of good news from the local English language news in Switzerland. The first article says that small and medium-sized enterprises, in other words family owned businesses, are likely to come out of a global economic slowdown relatively unscathed and healthy.

Swiss SMEs are well placed to survive the economic recession. – swissinfo

Family-run firms in Switzerland are well set to survive the global recession having put long-term growth before quick profits in the good years, a report concludes.

Such small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), which account for more than 88 per cent of all Swiss companies, are also cushioned by an aversion to taking on too much debt but still face succession problems.

The survey of 300 Swiss family-owned SMEs found that 68 per cent of companies are less motivated by making money than in maintaining the good name of the firm.

Some 83 per cent of owners put the healthy state of their company down to risk aversion and 39 per cent said long-term planning was crucial to success.

Swiss family business consultant Hakan Hillerström contributed to the study by Barclays Wealth and the Economist Intelligence Unit.

“Often, without a stock market listing, family businesses are insulated from the need to meet the short-term demands of investors and so are better placed to ride out volatility than their listed peers,” he said.

Second is a story about the mobility of skilled labor in Switzerland. When global demand for one of Switzerland’s most famous exports, watches, falls, Swiss watch makers are snatched up and employed by other industries in which demand is actually increasing during the recession: namely, rail car engineering and construction. Similar skills are required of workers in both industries, watches and rail cars. I suspect demand for rail cars has increased because of the multiple fiscal stimulus packages being initiated around Europe, many of which include funding for infrastructure expansion, including upgrading and expanding rail networks.

I am impressed by the flexibility of labor markets in Switzerland in times of economic hardship. Such labor mobility as demonstrated below helps Switzerland weather economic woes more easily than it would if workers laid off from one industry could not easily find employment in others, such as is the case in many countries.

Enterprises in Vaud to exchange workers to beat redundancies. – swissinfo

Skilled workers from the Swiss watchmaking industry could soon find themselves building locomotives instead.

A new project to meet the challenges posed by the financial crisis has been launched in the French-speaking canton of Vaud, with the backing of the major trade union and employers associations, as well as the cantonal government.

The idea is that businesses experiencing a temporary shortfall in orders will be able to lend their workers to others facing a shortage of labour.

“It’s pretty ridiculous to pay people to sit around and do nothing,” Yves Defferrard of the Unia trade union told swissinfo. “But when they have no work for them, employers can often think of nothing better than to lay them off. That’s the wrong way to manage a crisis. It’s what happened in the downturn of 2000.”

Why Are Large Companies Losing More Jobs Than Small Ones? – TIME

This is a fascinating, short article from TIME. Before reading it, see if you can answer the multiple choice question below:

Q: Why do small companies lay off proportionately fewer workers during a recession than large companies?

A) Because small firms are less likely to be in the industries hardest hit by a recession (such as manufacturing)?
B) Because small firms are less focused on maintaining profits to satisfy greedy shareholders?
C) Because small companies are able to hang on to employees and even hire new ones during a recession because of all the talent being laid off by big firms.

Still thinking? Well, it’s likely that all three are true to some extent. But it’s the third one that seems most intriguing as a student of economics. Here’s what the article says:

…small companies hire disproportionately more early on in an economic recovery because it’s easy for these firms to find good workers while unemployment is still high—and easy for workers to come across small companies since there are so many of them. Once the economy is chugging along at full-steam and the labor market is tight, larger companies regain the advantage, since they’re likely able to offer more money—and poach from smaller outfits.

Seems pretty straight forward, right? Sure, but the fact that small firms are likely to hire when unemployment is high supports one side in a long-running economic debate over the economy’s ability to “self-correct” in times of recession.

As any student of Macroeconomics learns early on, there are two dominant theories of macroeconomics, both which are represented in the aggregate demand/aggregate supply diagram that we learn and use in AP and IB Economics.

The two models below represent the two opposing views of macroeconomics. First we see the Keynesian model, which shows that when overall demand in an economy falls, unemployment increases drastically and output tanks, plunging the economy into a deep recession. This is primarily because of the “inflexible” nature of wages, meaning that even when unemployment rises, workers are unwilling to accept lower wages and firms therefore are unwilling to hire more workers.

According to Keynesians, the only way to get the economy out of the recession is by increasing overall demand through heavy doses of government spending (case in point, the $775 billion stimulus in the US).

Next is the Classical AD/AS model with a vertical long-run aggregate supply curve. The implication of the vertical AS curve is that regardless of the level of overall demand in the economy, output will always return to the full-employment level, and thus unemployment will always return to its natural level. The major assumption underlying the Classical model is that wages are in fact flexible in times of recession. As unemployment rises, workers will accept lower wages since they’d rather be making less than making nothing at all. As wages fall firms will begin hiring more workers, increasing overall output and decreasing unemployment until full-employment output is restored.

The implication of the model on the right is that government is NOT needed to get the economy out of a recession, because it will self-correct due to the new hiring and production by firms in response to falling wages in the labor market.

The reason this article stood out to me was that it seems to offer some evidence in support of the flexible-wage, Classical model of macroeconomic self-correction. There has been surprisingly little talk among news anchors, pundits and politicians about the likelihood of the US or ANY economy suffering in the global slowdown “self-correcting” as the Classical model would suggest it should. But the fact that small businesses are less likely to lay off workers in a recession and more likely to begin hiring them due to the large number of workers being laid of by big companies offers at least an inkling of evidence in support of the Classical model of flexible wages and macroeconomic self-correction.

Discussion Questions:

1. Why is laying off workers the first thing big companies do when faced with falling demand for their products? Why don’t they shut down factories instead?
2. What pressures does a publicly traded company (one that sells stocks to investors) face in times of recession that a small, privately owned business does not?
3. When the global recession is finally over, do you think more people or fewer people will be working for small companies (less than 50 people) than before the recession? What would you rather work for, a small firm or a large one? Why?

This post is in response to my colleague and fellow WW blogger Steve Latter’s recent post titled “Private market compesation: AIG CEO vs. Kobe Bryant”. It’s always enlightening to read Steve’s excellent posts, which really put things in perspective. With regards to CEO pay, it is a bit ironic that while Americans are all worked up about the high pay of its top executives, no one’s up in arms about the exorbitant salaries received by America’s professional athletes!

However, I wonder if Steve’s claim that limiting professional athletes’ pay would send the country’s top basketball players packing for leagues in other countries is true. A while back I blogged an article that asked the question of whether Lebron James would be offered a contract from a European club. James claimed that in order for him to even consider playing in Europe, he would require an offer of at least $50 million per year, more than double what he makes playing for Cleveland.

ESPN.com – Source: LeBron would consider European offer of $50M a year or more

…the Cleveland Cavaliers’ strongest competition for LeBron James’ long-term services could be the deep-pocketed new kid on the block — Europe.

A person close to James said Tuesday that the Cavaliers’ superstar would strongly consider playing overseas if he was offered a salary of “around $50 million a year.”

James’ current contract expires after the 2010-2011 season, but he can opt out after the 2009-2010 season, and while several NBA teams are working to create salary cap space for his impending free agency, none could offer a contract beginning at even $20 million a year.

So, would Kobe be on the next plane to Lithuania if the US government (or the NBA) limited his pay to $5 million? I doubt it. That brings us to the more urgent question: Would America’s top business executives begin shipping their families and all their belongings off to Jakarta or Dhaka, Delhi or Singapore, London or Paris, if the US government attempted to limit the compensation packages of its executives? Maybe, but there are many reasons to work and live in the United States beyond the salaries offered by firms for their top executives. And upon a little research, it turns out that European executives’ pay packages have in fact been under regulation by governments for quite some time, and as a result, the incentive for American executives to jump ship for European firms should US executive compensation come under regulation may not be as strong as Steve implies.

Executive pay in Europe | Pay attention | The Economist

How excessive is bosses’ pay in Europe? It has certainly risen sharply in the past ten years, as European firms have had to compete globally for talent. Foreign bosses now run seven of the firms in France’s CAC 40 index and five of Germany’s DAX 30. American-style bonuses and long-term incentive plans are now the norm.

European firms now benchmark pay against international peer groups in their own industries, rather than against domestic rivals, according to Piia Pilv, a pay expert at Mercer, a consultancy. But they still pay a fraction of the sums trousered each year by American executives. According to Hay Group, a management consultancy, the median European executive earns just 40% as much as his equivalent in America (see chart).

Most importantly, European companies appear to be more determined than American ones to link pay to performance. “Firms in Europe have tended to put more stringent conditions on long-term incentive awards than in America,” says Richard Bednarek, global director of executive remuneration for Hay Group. In America grants of shares are often not tied to performance, whereas European firms generally attach performance criteria to any grant of shares, typically depending on a comparison with a peer group. Such schemes often do not pay out at all, says Mr Bednarek. Dan Vasella, boss of Novartis, a Swiss pharmaceutical giant, and a favourite target of pay activists, earned SFr17m ($14m) in 2007, down 33% from 2006, because he missed his targets.

Clearly, the incentive to head to Europe as a result of increased scrutiny of executive compensation in the US is not as great as it would be if there did not already exist a threefold gap between US and European executive pay.

The liberal in me wonders if there is such a thing as “unfair” CEO compensation. The free market advocate in me points to other markets governments have attempted to control prices in, and the clear inefficiency that such regulation creates. Governments limiting executive pay, in theory, should have a similar effects to rent controls, or price ceilings in other markets. The quality and quantity of apartments available under rent controls declines, and price ceilings on other goods often result in shortages, meaning there’s not enough to go around among consumers… the quantity demanded exceeds the quantity supplied.

In the case of CEO pay in America, limiting compensation should, in theory, result in a shortage of highly qualified executives willing to head up American firms. But let’s be honest, even if the government placed highly stringent limits on the compensation of the country’s executives, the average executive in America would still likely be earning more than his counterpart in Europe. And since the average American CEO earns something on the order of 250 times what the average worker in his firm gets paid, increased regulation of CEO pay only help narrow this enormous gap slightly, but the incentive to make it to the top will still be strong among American workers.

Conclusions? It’s a tough issue. I want to have faith in the free market, in the price mechanism, in the efficacy of laissez faire economics. But the moral hazard of “golden parachutes” is a real concern. Should an American CEO be rewarded if he fails in his job? Steve makes the case that this “insurance” policy is necessary to attract the best and brightest to the firms willing to pay them most. Then again, something about the way the free market has created such a huge gap between executive pay and the pay of the average worker, and the threefold gap between America’s CEOs and Europes makes me think, “forget the free market, we need to get this insanity under control.”